Article citation information:
Żukiewicz, P., Domagała, K. Problems with transport policy in Kosovo
after 2008. Scientific Journal of
Silesian University of Technology. Series Transport. 2017, 94,
249-256. ISSN: 0209-3324. DOI: https://doi.org/10.20858/sjsutst.2017.94.22.
Przemysław ŻUKIEWICZ[1],
Katarzyna DOMAGAŁA[2]
PROBLEMS WITH TRANSPORT POLICY IN KOSOVO AFTER 2008
Summary. The
aim of this article is to present the main problems of public transportation in
Kosovo after 2008 when the province’s parliament announced the declaration of
independence. We focus on the plans and documents that were signed between 2008
and 2010 in an attempt to compare them with the real impact of investments made
in the last five years. We show how the conflict between Belgrade and Prishtina
has influenced public transportation and examine the prospects for
problem-solving in this sector. To do this, we employ a neo-institutional
approach to the document analysis as the main research method.
Keywords: transport policy, Kosovo, Serbia,
Western Balkans
1. INTRODUCTION
Kosovo is a disputed territory in South-eastern
Europe. The Kosovo Conflict is based on the fact that this area is inhabited by
Albanians and Serbs. Despite the fact that Kosovo Albanians (Kosovars) declared
it an independent state in February 2008, according to the Serbian Constitution
of 2006, this territory is still within the Republic of Serbia.
To analyse the consequences of this conflict,
one needs to appreciate Kosovo’s troubled history [1]. Currently, its population
amounts to 1,739,825[3]. The
largest ethnic group comprises Albanians (92.9% of the total population), while
7% of the population consists of ethnic and national minorities, 1.5% of which
are Serb [2]. Historically, it has been a part of the Serbian Kingdom. For
several centuries it was under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, after which it
belonged to the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Following World War
II, communist rule in Yugoslavia inaugurated 34 years of modus vivendi among Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo under the central
government [3]. Kosovo has a land area of 10,908 km2, which equates
to only 4.3% of the territory of former Yugoslavia; indeed, it was the poorest
area within communist Yugoslavia.
The described territory has been an
administrative region since 1946, known as the Autonomous Province of Kosovo
and Metohija. In 1989, in a referendum held throughout Serbia, the authorities
largely reduced the autonomy of Kosovo. At the end of 1990s, the conflict
between Kosovo Albanians and Serbs became a humanitarian problem and drew the
attention of the international community, such that, in March 1999, NATO
launched a range of air bombardments against Serbia [4]. Despite numerous
attempts to resolve the Serb-Albanian conflict, the situation in Kosovo
remained very tense. Prepared in 2007 by Martti Ahtisaari, the Comprehensive
Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement [5] was negatively received by the
Serbs, who were afraid of losing part of their territory. As such, in February
2008, Kosovo unilaterally proclaimed its independence from the Republic of
Serbia [6].
2. PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION IN KOSOVO
The transport sector in Kosovo
offers reasonable potential, but the region still suffers from the effects of
the last financial crisis. Furthermore, the state budget is based on external
measures, especially loans and EU funds, while the unemployment rate in Kosovo
is over 30% [7]. Kosovo is a member of the South East Europe Transport Observatory (SEETO), which is a
regional transport organization established by the Memorandum of Understanding
for the Development of the Core Regional Transport Network, which was signed in
2004 by representatives from the governments of Albania, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Croatia, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Montenegro and
Serbia, as well as representatives of the UN Mission in Kosovo and the European
Commission. The aim of the SEETO is “to promote cooperation on the development
of the main and ancillary infrastructure on the multimodal Indicative Extension
of TEN-T Comprehensive Network to the Western Balkans and to enhance local
capacity for the implementation of investment programmes” [8].
Shortly after the announcement of Kosovo’s declaration of independence,
the European Commission and the Ministry of Transport and Communications of
Kosovo commissioned an action plan, whose main points were concerned with the
development of the railway network in Kosovo. In Table 1 and Figure 1, we
present all the new investments that were planned by the then government,
which were to lead to increasing numbers
of trains operating in the region.
Table 1. Overview of Kosovo’s railway projects in 2009 [9]
|
Project |
Type |
Value in EUR |
|
Fushë Kosovë- Hani i Elezit |
Double-track electrification 160
km/h |
145,089,000 |
|
Fushë Kosovë-Prishtinë |
Double-track electrification 160
km/h |
29,042,800 |
|
Fushë Kosovë-Leshak |
Single-track electrification 160
km/h |
105,233,900 |
|
Fushë Kosovë-Airport |
Single-track electrification 160
km/h |
16,209,600 |
|
Bardh-Pejë |
Single-track 160 km/h |
77,889,000 |
|
Klinë-Prizren |
Single-track 160 km/h |
58,121,400 |
|
Prishtinë-Podujevë |
Single-track 160 km/h |
39,710,200 |
|
Prizren-Vrbnica |
New line single-track 160 km/h |
13,391,100 |
|
Prishtinë Railway Station |
New intermodal station: rail
section |
10,000,000 |
|
Total cost |
|
494,687,000 |
Fig. 1. Overview of
Kosovo’s railway project in 2009 [10]
The plan
stipulated that transport should be organized in respect of the following
relationships:
·
Hani i Elezit-Fushë Kosovë - one train in both
directions every two hours (in total: 16 trains)
·
Hani i Elezit-Leshak - one train in both directions
every two hours (in total: 16 trains)
·
Prishtinë-Leshak - one train in both directions
every two hours (in total: 16 trains)
·
Hani i Elezit-Prishtinë - one train in both
directions every 1.3 hours (in total: 24 trains)
·
Prishtinë-Pejë - one train in both directions every
1.3 hours (in total: 24 trains)
·
Prishtinë-Prizren - one train in both directions
every 2.5 hours (in total: 12 trains)
·
Airport-Prishtinë - one train in both directions
every 1.5 hours (in total: 24 trains)
·
Prishtinë-Podujevë - one train in both directions
every 2.5 hours (in total: 12 trains)
·
Prishtinë-Vermice - one train in both directions
every 2.5 hours (in total: 12 trains)
Eight years
after the plan was established, there has been no progress regarding its
implementation. In 2016, passenger rail traffic was organized only for the
following domestic routes: Prishtinë-Pejë (two trains in both directions per
day) and Hani i Elezit-Fushë Kosovë (two trains in both directions per day).
There is also one international railway connection between the capital of
Kosovo and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (Prishtinë-Skopje). It
operates once every 24 hours [11]. The number of passengers in the period
2008-2016 declined steadily, which is not surprising in the context of a poor
offer.
The main
airport of Kosovo is now Pristina International Airport, which currently serves
19 destinations. This number is much lower if we only include state
destinations; currently, these are: Albania, Turkey, Croatia, Slovenia,
Hungary, Italy, France, Austria, Germany, Belgium, Sweden and Norway (in total:
12 countries). An important problem to be solved by the Kosovan Ministry of
Transportation and Communication is the lack of public transportation (any
buses and trains) between the airport and city centre. This explains why
passengers have to take a taxi or rent a car. Hence, there is still an obvious
need to establish a new train connection on the Airport-Prishtina route.
In recent
years, little has changed regarding road traffic in Kosovo as well [12, 26].
Table 2 shows the level of development on the road network in the region
between 2008 and 2015. For the last seven years, the number of routes has
increased by only 4.5%. This was mainly due to the construction of a strategic
section of the Ibrahim Rugova Motorway, which connects the capital of Kosovo
and the Kosovo-Albania border. While there are plans to extend this motorway to
the Serbian border in Merdare, at this moment, works are not continuing due to
political reasons.
Table 2. Roads in Kosovo between 2008 and
2015 [12]
|
|
2008 |
2009 |
2010 |
2011 |
2012 |
2013 |
2014 |
2015 |
|
Motorway |
0 |
0 |
0 |
38.0 |
60.4 |
78.0 |
78.0 |
78.0 |
|
National |
629.0 |
629.0 |
629.0 |
629.0 |
629.0 |
629.0 |
629.0 |
629.0 |
|
Regional |
1,294.7 |
1,294.7 |
1,294.7 |
1,294.7 |
1,294.7 |
1,294.7 |
1,294.7 |
1,305.0 |
|
TOTAL |
1,923.7 |
1,923.7 |
1,923.7 |
1,961.7 |
1,984.1 |
2,001.7 |
2,001.7 |
2,012.0 |
3. CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONFLICT FOR THE
EVERYDAY TRANSPORTATION
The number
of negative consequences of the conflict over Kosovo is significant. First of
all, the Republic of Kosovo has still not been recognized by all UN member
states (109 out of a total of 193 UN member states have recognized Kosovo’s
independence). While Kosovo I regarded as an institution of a “de facto state”
in international law [13], one can observe a huge divide between the de jure
status of land and the de facto reality on the ground [14]: in short, the
situation in Kosovo is still unstable. The widely understood “human damage of
the conflict” primarily relates to the young generation because of high
unemployment rates and the lack of proper access to education. Secondly,
systematic corruption in public procurement procedures and high rates of
poverty in society [15] result in frequent protests by both the Albanian and Serbian
communities.
Moreover,
Kosovo remains a lower-middle-income country. The unresolved status issue is a
main obstacle to attaining the country’s objectives of political integration
and socio-economic development [15]. Another important consequence caused by
the conflict and separation from Serbia is underdeveloped infrastructure and
the transport problem between two territories. It is worth mentioning that
infrastructure networks suffered from a decade of without maintenance, with 40%
out of almost 1,700 km of road found to be in “poor condition”. Railway lines
and many bridges are in a disrepair as the state budget is not able to afford
the necessary reconstruction and repair work.
There
is also political gridlock between Kosovo and Serbia, which affects the daily
life of citizens. Freedom of movement between these countries has been limited
since the war, as well as after Kosovo’s independence. It is thought that this
freedom is particularly restricted at the Kosovo-Serbia border because Kosovo’s
travel documents are not recognized by Serbian services [16]. One can
distinguish two approaches to this problem, along with two different
perspectives. On the one side, citizens of Kosovo are not able to travel to
Serbia, which means they are concerned not only about the obstacles to the free
movement of people, but also the free movement of goods, the difficulty in
accessing their private property and the lack of convenient border crossings.
Kosovars blame their authorities for failing to take into account their needs
[16]. Serbs also consider themselves as victims. Most of all, their family
relations have been hampered as Serbian authorities refuse to accept documents
issued by authorities in Pristina.
Although
Prishtina officials argue that Belgrade should be obliged to grant entry to
vehicles from Kosovo with licence plates labelled with RKS (Republic of
Kosovo), Serbian politician condemn the use of RKS licence plates, regarding
them as illegal and against the “status-neutral” policy [17]. A makeshift solution
of the problem is the possibility to drive in Serbia with temporary plates.
Unfortunately, it is not the only dispute concerning the recognition of travel
documents, as disagreement between vehicle insurance companies have occurred.
Owners of vehicles registered in Kosovo were obliged to pay around 120 euros to
enter Serbia and a daily fee of five euros for a 15-day stay. The
aforementioned fees included the use of temporary licence plates for Kosovo
drivers [17]. Drivers of cars registered in Serbia were compelled to pay about
20 euros to be able to drive in Kosovo for a week [18]. Moreover, mutual
non-recognition of vehicle insurance has been a key obstacle to cost-efficient
travel between the two countries.
Another
hotspot in the cross-border relations between Kosovo and Serbia is the
Mitrovica Bridge, which divides the city into a Serbian part and an Albanian
part. Members of both national groups do not go beyond their part of the city,
nor exceed the frontier, which has been informally established on the bridge
[19]. The main formal obstacle concerning the Mitrovica Bridge is the status of
former Yugoslav licence plates, given that they carry Kosovo City’s initials
“KM” (Kosovo Mitrovica); not surprisingly, the Serbian authorities do not
recognize these plates.
After
Kosovo declared independence in February 2008, it started issuing passport and
identification documents for the citizens of the Republic of Kosovo. Continuing
the Serbian policy of treating Kosovo as a part of its own territory, the Serbian
Government has not stopped issuing documents to residents in Kosovo. These
documents are available for Kosovo
inhabitants as proof of Serbian citizenship [20].
Another noteworthy issue is free movement in the case
of air travel, which also seems to be left up to chance. Formal requirements
for travel documents recognized at airports remain similar to those for road
traffic. Travellers with documents issued by the Government of Kosovo ought to
show their ID card and passport during check-in at the airport[4].
Likewise, travellers with document issued by the Government of Serbia are
obliged to have their ID card and passport [20]. Despite this, a study
conducted by the Big Deal Agency shows that the system is not foolproof. Kosovo
respondents reported that “they have been able to depart from and land in
Belgrade airport, though the process takes approximately an extra half an hour
because of paperwork” [21]. Moreover, uncomfortable situations occur from time
to time when Kosovo citizens are not allowed to board a plane to Belgrade. It
seems that airlines operating flights between the two countries are not
informed about the latest agreements [22].
4. CONCLUSION – PERSPECTIVES ON THE NORMALIZATION OF THE BELGRADE-PRISHTINA
RELATIONSHIP
Normalization
of the relations between Kosovo and Serbia became possible thanks to EU
commitment. One should know that Serbia already has candidate status to join
the EU, while Kosovo is seeking closer integration with Brussels. The
EU-facilitated dialogue began in March 2011 [20]. Within five years, under the
auspices of the EU institutions, parties were able to negotiate a number of
agreements that led to political and technical cooperation [23].
On 2
July 2011, Kosovo and Serbia agreed upon rules and standards concerning the
ability to travel. The Freedom of Movement Agreement [24] regulates issues
relating to personal documents, license plates and car insurance. Pursuant to
the terms of the agreement, residents of each country are able to travel freely
within the other’s territory. The requirement to purchase boundary insurance
should only be seen as an interim solution. Furthermore, parties agreed that
all car owners residing in Kosovo could use either RKS or KS vehicle license
plates, provided that the issue of KS plates would be reviewed by the parties
in the near future.
On 22 June 2013, the authorized entities responsible
for the vehicle insurance of each party, that is, the Association of Serbian
Insurers and the Kosovo Insurance Bureau, signed the Agreement on Insurance
[25]. The document states that “users of motor vehicles registered in one Party
who are in possession of a valid insurance for the territory of the other Party
may freely travel in that jurisdiction... In case the users do not present a
valid insurance, they will be obliged to contract mandatory border insurance”
[25]. Although the discussed agreements were warmly welcomed by the EU, the
dialogue needs to expand upon the issues of railway transport and air traffic
(while Serbia and Kosovo have agreed to establish flights between their capital
cities, due to political difficulties, the plan will be launched in 2017 at the
earliest).
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Received 03.11.2016;
accepted in revised form 29.12.2016
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